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Revolutions Homeric



To try to clarify the problem that we submit to you, I could leave a riddle posed not by me but by Stephen Dedalus to his students in the third episode of Joyce's Ulysses. This conundrum is one of those that can not be solved only if we already know the answer and she left without a voice student of Stephen, but also readers of Joyce. However, disturbing coincidence, it seems that it is an unsolved riddle which has caused the death of Homer. if we are to believe some ancient Lives of the poet: the poet died after being unable to answer a riddle posed to him by children. The meaning of this approximation seems clear: By reusing this deadly riddle, Joyce enfant terrible an aesthetic revolution would reiterate the murder of Homer, is the origin and tradition. We then understand that Homer is wary of children and youth, as for example in the contemporary piece by Howard Barker, The Bite of the Night, he repeats at every youth he hates (I hate the young) .


Yet what we would like to suggest today is that Homer would have loved young people and that in any case often young people like Homer, that in matters of literary history breaking aesthetic comes well often not a murder or a rejection of the father of poets but rather a tendency to Homer, his person or his text, one of the key elements of the rupture.


Obviously, this idea of a Homeric leader of some literary upheavals hires a paradox, a paradox that is translated into its semantic ambiguity of the word revolution. Revolution indeed means both
- repetition of the same periodical return
But also
- Upheaval, abolition of the past by creating a new and different order.


In sum, the word revolution led to ask how the repetition and return of the same may be consistent with the disruption of tradition and the establishment of a new state of affairs.


Or to put the issue in a more Homeric: Homer

figure of revolution is under 1 = periodic return to the origin or tradition seen as a model, yet this was of Homer revolutions in the sense of literary tradition of upheaval.


is to address this apparent paradox Homeric we have chosen to bring together experts from different moments in literary history that can be described as moments of rupture and foundation a new aesthetic.


But in doing so, by this time-series of different breaks, we might actually started to answer the question we asked ourselves:
In fact any failure as long as you replace it in time Throughout literary history, any break occurred in a succession of failures: it is not absolute beginning but only beginning.
Breaks therefore assume that we are considering the memory of previous ruptures and the anticipation of future fractures:
Basing a new order is to know that failure is possible and that the new today may well become the tradition tomorrow
Founding a new order is to experience the transience of things and the discontinuity of history.



In those circumstances is Homer?


Homer is certainly not a figure of rupture and new beginning, but not only the past and tradition =
For his first title of poet he is a figure of absolute beginning and not on
By the constancy of the Homeric reference in Western literary history, it is the figure of continuity
What is at stake may be so in these revolutions Homer is the report of resumption at the beginning, the break in continuity.


Or put another way, what we've asked perhaps to sketch a literary history in which the rupture is not necessarily abandonment of tradition, where any disruption would be viewed through the prism of concern of the discontinuity and the ephemeral.


For that to happen, of course, taking a double risk: on the side of Homer on the one hand, toward the idea of literary revolution on the other: the side of Homer
indeed Is it possible to confront and synthetically unified FIG éminenemment plural and diverse as is the name of Homer.
Homer is both the man and the text, the person and the symbol is also a result of réinteprétations and rewrites them heterogeneous intervention Glenn Most, therefore we will first take the extent of this plurality Homeric.


the side of the "literary revolution" then we took the risk together under the term encompassing "revolution" is as diverse a range of oppositions more or less marked at a standstill or a literary tradition:
So that we know at least from what pitfalls we'll sail, I will simply say that this type of failure may be considered

1 ° or so is paradigmatic order history

o paradigmatic example when one sees the opposition Curtius Ancients Modern transhitorique stereotype that passes through the history of European literature
o history if one considers that the appearance of a conflict between ancient and modern can be dated historically and geographically, it makes sense for example that From the moment the literary imitation is the subject of a questioning


2 ° The failure of literature, then, can be either claimed or attributed

o claimed when an author or group of authors explicitly defined in opposition to the dominant literary practice of his time or the past.
o attributed when the historian of literature recognizes the break afterwards and made a joint in his story.


3 ° Finally, the idea behind bounding fracture actually hiding conceptions of time and ways to sign up in time very different

o The time may be initially perceived as a continuous time but not yet n''interdit not innovation: it is then in a logic of literary imitation understood primarily as emulation. O
time then conceived as progress, resulting in recovery of this and a break with the literary mimesis
o breaking thirdly, can still assume an awareness of its inclusion in a present perceived as ephemeral as Jauss reminds until the 19th century, the opposition is not so much between modern and ancient, but rather between this ephemeral timeless and classic.
o Finally the time of the break may be seen as the future break with the past as it was then broken up with her present to imagine and prefigure a future that calls for it: this is essentially the attitude avant-garde.
So we will probably face the plurality of the revolution but these terms are different but share a gesture of rupture or a sense of continuity with a past perceived as untimely.


Within these failures, why Homer?

I would suggest three directions reflections :

Homer in the breakdown could act as guarantor

the guarantor is indeed one that allows writing and innovation, but often this guarantee function is often different from function model that can effectively mimic. To take one striking example of this phenomenon, the novel case of Thebes = overall translation of the Thebaid of Statius but the author of this novel records the name of Statius in his text precisely when he is trying not to imitate Stace. In this case Stace guarantees but it is not a model. `

2 Homer then could be a figure of eternity and timelessness of classical

these categories come into play with the ephemeral experience that involves breaking and somewhat offset from the experience of discontinuity
I recall that Baudelaire defined the modern precisely by this alliance of the current and ephemeral, that the modern sense requires a part of classicism.
I also remember, this vivid picture in mind, that according to Benjamin (The concept of history), during the revolution deJuillet fighters putting in place a new order firing as the clocks to stop time.
= Homer would then play the role of a stopped clock

Finally Homer could be a model not so much writing but absolute beginning

Imitate Homer then it would not imitate the act of writing , not the text itself, but the gesture of inauguration of introduction.


But if Homer is a figure of absolute beginning, it is the only poet to have no known past, do not we discover that Homer is really modern, or rather it is " that more modern, "it represents writing for any sort of a break unattainable ideal?


o Homer as a figure of absolute beginning would be an ideal in that it does not even need to abolish the past to develop the writing, it is actually more than nine again, and he grew that the nine could be an ideal for anyone seeking the new.


o It would also modern in that it contributes to the timelessness of true classic, but this ephemeral, fashion, that by his "revolution" and rework by réinteprétations he is constantly the subject in history. Where = Baudelaire sees modernity as a timeless classic in search of fashion, Homer inversely symmetrical, would the arrival of fashion, this timeless classic in the ephemeral.


o Finally Homer would be modern, even avant-garde because the remoteness of the past the most remote and most remote makes him a figure of the strangeness and difference,
This strangeness can join the extravagance or eccentricity that guards before calling their vows: and it is known that the ties the forefront, especially in the early 20th century, has maintained with the primitive.



Sophie Rabau
http://www.fabula.org/atelier.php?R 26eacute%%% 3Bvolutions_hom 26eacute 3Briques% [/ b]

Latest papers: workshop writing, rewriting, critical essays, stories
Sequence: Rewrite

Two conferences on rewrites
Conferences:
to Rewrite 18th century :
http://www.savoirs.ens.fr/diffusion/audio/2005_11_03_mallinson.mp3
Tartuffe and mother guilty
http://www.savoirs.ens.fr/ diffusion/audio/2005_11_10_mallinson.mp3
Writing Workshop: rewritings
Odyssey, source rewriting Rewriting and re

http://docremuneres.forumparfait.com/l-odyssee- source-to-rewriting-vt2500.html
Intertextuality and interdiscursivity
http://docremuneres.forumparfait.com/intertextualite-et-interdiscursivite-vt2501.html
Rewriting epics
The Trojan War in Achilleid Statius
http://docremuneres.forumparfait.com/reecriture-d-epopees-la-guerre-de-troie-vt2502.html
Imitate Homer Homeric revolutions
http://docremuneres.forumparfait.com/imiter-homere-revolutions-homeriques-vt2503.html

Tray French: rewriting the epics of the Trojan War and other documents on the tray docremuneres

Rewriting epics
The Trojan War in Achilleid Statius

The death of the poet Statius in 96 AD. AD, leaving his unfinished Achilleid, has deprived us of retractatio of the Trojan war epic that should behave. We can therefore consider three questions: what is the place and function of references to the coming war throughout the first song? What are the respective influences of Homer and versions posthomériques in the representation of the conflict? Can you outline what would have been the story of the Trojan War in the remainder of the epic? This analysis reveals a deep representation modernized and Romanized the conflict, in which the narrative of facts is less important than the highlight, through them, the characters' personalities as part of a strategy of delectare which refers readers to their own imagination and their own image .

Plan
1. The Trojan War to the songs I-II Achilleid: counterpoint and parallel
2. The presentation of the Trojan War: Tradition and Innovation

The Achilleid Statius is not about the Trojan War - not more than the Iliad, elsewhere, but for reasons diametrically opposed: while the epic of Homer off the whole conflict a particular episode (the wrath of Achilles), that of Stace brings the war itself to a sub- across a broader narrative, the life of Achilles (I, 3-7). Moreover, none of these two epics is centered on the conflict itself. The Iliad, an epic "pathetic" after the Aristotelian terminology, is about a passion (anger in question) and its sequels, while Achilleid, epic "ethics" is focus (like the Odyssey) on the personality of the protagonist. This Personenepos (to borrow the terminology of S. Koster) maintains is with the Trojan War a thematic report even more cowardly than the Kriegsepos what the Iliad. The Trojan war there is the backdrop against which is supposed to come off the character of the hero - and yet this painting covers Does not the entire surface of the biography of peleides. Much more: the only part of the epic that the poet has had time to write (devoted to the episode of Achilles Scyros) stops precisely when this war (or at least its preliminary phase) would begin in earnest with the arrival of Achilles at Aulis Achaean camp. Statien the story of the war itself, particularly the segment that intersects with the narrative of the Iliad (a part of the ninth year of the war) we are deprived forever. The fact remains that this war is present in the background throughout this first part of the poem, and its proleptic anticipation has repeatedly noted that due to the memory of the player involved in the windings of the Alexandrian 'épyllion scyrien. I would like So consider this a triple series of questions:

- What is the place and function of allusions to the Trojan War I in this song (and the beginning of II)?

- The representation of the Trojan War Is "Homer" (or, in other words, what part of Homer and respective authors posthomériques in the presentation of the conflict)?

- Can we infer from this that we have the epic how Stace intended to deal with the Trojan War in the rest of his story?

1. The Trojan War to the songs I-II Achilleid: counterpoint and parallel

The composition of the song I shows two plots progressing in parallel from a single trigger and ending by joining together to About two-thirds of the song: the wiles of Thetis to remove her son to war and the mobilization of the Greeks to the conflict. Both plots are triggered by the abduction of Helen by Paris-(I, 20-25 and 397-406). Achilles' mother, educated in the future, responds immediately by putting in place arrangements for take her son away from conflict, maneuvers that are spread over one and a half between ver 20 and v. 396. The preparations of the Greek warriors who started at the same time in response to rapt5, spread over one year between ver 397 and verse 559. The two plots converge with the arrival of envoys to the Achaeans Scyros in v. 675. The first part of this song plays on an opposition to both thematic, emotional and axiological between the two parallel narrative lines before they join.

Opposition theme: w. 20-396 recount the steps of Thetis to keep her son the theater of war preparations, w. 397-559 emphasize the efforts of the Greeks to bring in, and this tension between opposing forces gives part of his drive to this song. Emotional opposition: in the narrative maneuvers Thetis, the poet plays on the dramatization, the distancing of the tragic, the introduction of a few buttons and a comic-erotic elegiac mood. New Alexandrian color is predominant. In the evocation of war preparations, the tone is radically different. The most striking case is that of this incredible scene of "divination" (I, 514-537) that recycles all Topical meeting grounds of ecstatic divination and prophecy in the epic and catastrophic tragedy Latin, with a strong presence (directly or indirectly, by Lucan and Valerius Flaccus interposed), the prophecy of Cassandra in the Agamemnon Seneca . Overdramatization of tone, atmosphere criminalization tragic: it is far from the way the poet addresses the fate of Achilles in the rest of the story. Inconsistency? Latent irony? Not at all: in fact this contrast serves to make it more vibrant opposition axiological. Opposition between the point of view "feminine" and anti-heroic in the Thetis conflict, whose empathetic transcription in the absence of any legislative action of the narrator, guiding the whole story in the first part and point of view of epic and manly Achaeans who governs without sharing w. 397-559. Moreover, the structure of the song I allows the poet to see the same events replayed twice after the two opposing viewpoints, with an effect of chiasmus: Thetis said in his initial soliloquy (I, 34-37) the mobilization of the Achaeans Research and Achilles will be told later that, while the prophecy of Calchas reread retrospectively v. 20-396 of the song I (Thetis maneuvers) from the point of view Greeks, outraged by the deception of the anti-heroic goddess. The contrast values that did not emerge more strongly in this controuersia narrativisée: primacy of family values and private cons primacy of the collective interest and heroic values. Two poetic worlds, two value systems, between which Achilles is positioned as the issue of a report by opposing forces: such is the dramatic challenge of singing I. But also, two internal duality universe symbolizing the hero himself, torn between the masculine and feminine, between war and love, between epic and elegy. The allusions to the Trojan War are both counterpoint and counterweight to the logic that dominates female most of the song I.

this contrast effect added an obvious thematic parallels between the collective destiny involved in the Greek-Trojan conflict and destiny of individual heroes. Stace insists in effect (including the mouth of Ulysses) on the coincidence between the place of marriage of the parents of Achilles (who is also the scene of Education of Achilles by Chiron) and place of the quarrel of the goddesses starting point the Trojan War (II, 55-57): all this happened in the same cave of Pelion, which supports, in the arguments of the king of Ithaca, the idea of predestination peleides warrior (and nostri iam tunc promitteris armis). The hero and war have somewhat the same geographical origin. In addition, we can read between the lines in this song I, a tension between the figure of Paris, denounced by all as the responsible leader of the war (I, 67; II, 59), and that of Achilles, called play a decisive role in the outcome of the conflict. A Paris who then takes the face of the adversary by excellence, both collectively and individually. The parallelism between these two figures is the bearer of both antithetical suggestions (on the theme of heroism warrior) and potential convergence (on the theme of passion) in a heavily soaked epic influence erotic-elegiac , Paris appears as both a mirror and a foil Achilles ... especially the young Achilles singing I, with its clear appearance, made a triumphant blend of masculinity and effeminacy (which goes beyond mere disguise: cf. I, 323-335), is not without recall the topical representation of Paris as effeminate seducer in the Latin poetic tradition. And as we all know that Paris, after the Vulgate, is called to be the killer of Achilles, that gives this dramatic confrontation antithetical additional scope: no doubt that the death of Achilles under the arrow of Paris (guided or not by Apollo) was to acquire special importance.

added finally, to complete the parallelism, that the origin of the Trojan War epic gets in Statius the same structural presentation that the youth of Achilles both located upstream of the narrative that begins in medias res in v. 20. It was in both cases a triple series of retrospectives including the first two are brief and partial, before a third fully developed in the early part of the song II. The Education of Achilles is first discussed briefly by Chiron (I, 149-155), and in the mouths of the Greeks in general (I, 476-481) before being told by Achilles himself in detail (II, 96 - 167), and similarly, the causes of the Trojan War are first exposed, in part, by Thetis (I, 31-51), then taken by Agamemnon (I, 400-406), before the most comprehensive speech of Ulysses (II, 50-83). Effect of ascending progression with parallelism, which enhances the game of correspondence between the war as a whole and the main hero.

Note especially that this threefold presentation of the origins of the war is characterized by a process of subjectification, since we do not, on the causes of this conflict, exposed "objective" of the omniscient narrator, but essentially previews mediated indirect point of view of characters and marked by the subjectivity of the latter. Because in this epic "ethical "What the Achilleid, the poet is not interested in the narrative of the facts for themselves, but their echoes in the mind and discourse of the characters. The Trojan War is primarily a catalyst for profound provisions of each: hegemonic role of Agamemnon (I, 399-406), Odysseus' rhetorical skill (I, 785-793, II, 49-83), anguished maternity Thetis (I, 30-51), and of course martial potentialities of Achilles. It is therefore understandable that the epic narrator deliberately refrain from giving "his" version of the causes of war, the better to his characters react to the same events according to their respective ethos. Basically, the Trojan War is only the excuse to paint the characters of his protagonists, at the same time as revealing the nature of each. The conflict has therefore an overall purpose, as in Virgil (and unlike Homer), except that it is no longer an instrument for the fulfillment of a cosmic destiny as in the Aeneid, but the construction of the identity of the heroic main character.

2. The presentation of the war Trojan: Tradition and Innovation

This primacy of emotional and informative on the subject on the subject will help us

better understand the election that the poet Flavian between various versions of the tradition the legendary Trojan War, that is to say that Homer and the authors posthomériques, epic archaic (Songs Cyprians) to Ovid in particular through the Attic tragedy, the Alexandrian poetry, the Aeneid latin14 and lyricism. Indeed, the Trojan War that one can read between the lines in the epic of Stace is not merely that of Homère15, but is enriched with all the sediment that literary tradition has made over the centuries to this initial core, sometimes with substantial changes in fact or in spirit. While the broad outlines of the fabula are almost fixed, and some episodes headlight can provide support for a direct allusion to the Iliad in the form of literary homage, as the anticipation of the fight against Scamander we found in educating the young Achilles (II, 142-153). Similarly, referring to the "theft" by Patroclus arms of Achilles (I, 632-633) can be read as an indirect anticipation tinged with dramatic irony of the song XVI of the Iliad (281 ff.). But even within a proleptic allusion to an episode "Homer" of the war, we can work out which sways substantially rewrite the original. For example, Stace has chosen to make the appointment of ambassadors to the Achaeans Scyros (I, 536-539) a kind of early recurrence "of the Homeric Dolonne (il., X, 218-253), partly by modeling This last statement volunteering Ulysses and Diomedes. A tribute to Homer evident here. But this rewriting is accompanied in the detail of a series of small distortions: explicit reduction to the rank of Diomedes' second 'Ulysses' (I, 539), accentuation of the caution of the latter (I, 538), transfer the reason for the protection of Palladian Diomedes Odysseus to better highlight the only trick as primary contact with the first (I, 547). The rewrite is therefore in the direction of the stylization to enhance compliance with its ethos of Ulysses paradigmatic "brain trade" and the embodiment of cunning, in a literary tradition after Homer but dearer on it. This stylization of the ethos of the characters (we guess also indirectly in the case of Paris) is a key to the approach of Stace: It is necessary that the hero of the Trojan War look like the picture Stace Roman readers are more of them than they really are in Homer; picture obviously depends on a whole tradition posthomérique which operates as a distorting mirror, highlighting the most salient trais characters, between the Iliad and Achilleid.

But in other places, the poet may simply prefer the Homeric version of the facts a non-Homeric, especially when the latter was eventually supplant the first in the Vulgate, as the relationship between the parents of Achilles or the composition of the Achaean embassy to Scyros. In general, Stace prefer the version most known in the Latin tradition (often after the Attic tragedy and / or Alexandrian poetry) to the Homeric version when they disagree: that, far to cultivate the element of surprise or originality for themselves, he wants to use the version most familiar to his readers for their Roman general reference, we said, a picture of the Homeric world consistent with the idea they have of it, nothing is further from its concern that a project punctilious conformity to the letter and the spirit of the Homeric text for himself. The best example is the scope of "international" that Stace, like Virgil (Aen., X, 90-91), gives the Trojan War as a global conflict between Europe and Asia (cf. I, 82-83, 394, 730): an interpretation of geopolitical conflict that owes nothing to Homer and all of a replay of classical Greece influenced by the context of war Medic, and passed away in the Latin authors. Like Virgil, Statius is certainly represents the Trojans in Homer orientalizing more colors. Which leads, moreover, to redraw the Achaean coalition following a logic that ignores Panhellenic blithely Homeric data: thus the people of the Thracian coast, pro-Trojans in Homer, spend in the Achaean camp in Stace (I , 409-411, cf. also I, 202 to 20,420), an "annexation" which goes even implicitly, to the Asian city of Abydos (I, 204), probably because this border town was considered a sort of "enclave" Greek by the Romans of the first century (see Mela, I, 97). This presentation of the Trojan War in terms of the Panhellenic crusade (I, 397-440) is itself a direct legacy of Euripides (Iph. Aul., 77 ff.) Stace that applies to its contemporary representation of the Hellenic world . But the choice of the Hellenic crusade is not just a principle of fidelity to the Vulgate post-Euripidean, as it has a direct bearing on the tone of this part of the work: it gives up and dynamism in agreement with the "color" the general theme in this epic warrior (A point which I will).

Sometimes, however sometimes Stace to "return" to Homer cons of the Vulgate version, but always with a purpose. The pattern of predestination Achilles playing a decisive role in the fall of Troy (as a murderer of Hector, the bulwark of the Trojans) is a good example. According to the hypothesis of Skyrioi Euripides, the main source of the song I is the result of an oracle recommending Achaeans not take the field without Achilles Agamemnon sent Odysseus and Diomedes to Scyros . This version is based on that of Cypria, which are assigned the first mention of the oracle, Unknown to Homer in the latter, that's worth its Achilles is considered essential to the army (cf. It., I, 282-283 , XI, 117-118, 228-231). But the Oracle has established itself in the tradition mythographic, since in the Pseudo-Apollodorus (Bibl., III, 13, , one finds this prophecy explicitly attributed to Calchas.'s Position Stace is characterized by a mixture of two traditions . Like Homer, he does not know (but voluntarily him) the prophecy that Achilles could only afford to win the Trojan War: this perspective is mentioned upstream, but reduced to a mere "hearsay" (v. 475: illum unum Teucris Priamoque loquuntur / fatalem); the reason of predestination is victorious Demystifying and streamlined with a triple set of explanations: if the Achaeans Achilles think they need it because of what we already know of him at this stage, that is to say, the harshness of her education, her divine ancestry, and his invulnerability ( 476-481). Stace nevertheless retains the prophecy of Calchas Following the tradition of songs Cyprians, but stripping it of all the transcendent side of its contents (Revelation about the future of war linked to the fate of Achilles), it reduced its stake to a simple question of locating the hero in the present, where Achilles is at this time (cf. v. 505-506)? Stace has made in his sources that the arrangement: the rationalization of predestination ("return" apparent Homer) actually contributes to the tone "medium" and "ethics" of this epic, which highlights the personal potentialities the hero and who likes to stage an Achilles already provided in anticipation of the aura that will own ... once he has actually accomplished feats (a type of "anachronism metaliterary" which are customary Latin poets of the first century). The key is that everything revolves around the hero's ingenium, a real "focus", and that outweighs the immanent transcendent. On the other hand, the integration of the prophecy of Calchas, even half emptied of its contents, keep the interest of presenting a form hyperbolic and dramatized, the radical opposition between the world Scyros and that of war Trojan, as noted above. This logic of selectivity between different traditions should of course be studied passage by passage throughout the work, but it would take too long to take her here. Retain from this analysis that Stace is neither slave nor of the Homeric vulgate posthomérique, but chooses in each case the version that allows him to better highlight is the person of its hero, is the dominant tone of poem (including when, as here, to play on a contrast of tones).

Influence versions posthomériques is indeed not only a matter of sources, but also a matter of tone and emotional atmosphere. Epic "Average", the Achilleid made a large part, as critics have noted, the influence erotic-elegiac, especially Ovidian. It is therefore natural to feel that this work of proofreading sentimentalization of Homeric epic poets dear to neo-Alexandrian (but whose origin often dates back to the first Euripidean tragedy). Without the narrative of the loves of Achilles and Briseis, which would probably have confirmed this analysis, and leaving aside the case of Deidamia which is not the Trojan War itself, this approach can be seen at work in the phrase "gallant" in the abduction of Helen by Paris (I, 21: Bland populatus), which removes the question of the treasures of Menelaus described in Homer (il., VII, 350, 363, 389-90, XIII, 626 , XXII, 114) in favor of pure sentimental reason: everything is only a matter of love, with an interpenetration of isotopies typically elegiac and erotic warrior whose Achilleid offers other examples. Again, the choice of contemporary vulgate, ie in terms of the emotional atmosphere, moving in the direction of the dominant tone of the work.

This reinterpretation of the Homeric data, which in the case of Paris (and probably the Achilles later in his love) takes the form of a sentimentalization elegiac notes overall modernization of the words and feelings Homeric hero who is also in some respects, a romanization. This trend is perfectly embodied by Agamemnon. His speech (I, 400-406) is an amplification from the verses of Euripides (Iph. Aul., 77-79) in which Menelaus calls for help former suitors of Helen, but the Latin poet removes the ground Euripidean the oath of prétendants22 to replace him with a speech by legal and moral reach broader mobilizing a very isotopy Roman law (iura, fides) and diplomacy (marketing, Foedera), and rolling up a discreet "punicisation" of Trojans (cf. I, 404: foedus Phrygium; antiphrasis ironic is not without thinking of the famous fides Punica). A speech that would be better placed on the Roman forum in ancient Greece ... If we compare this speech with what we said above about the confrontation East / West, we see that this vision of the Trojan War is at all points of view Roman Homer. The Achilleid gives so much of the Trojan War is not a representation that directly reflects the original Iliad, but rather that of an image already derived and stylized: imaginis imago.

To extend and confirm these remarks, I would now like to examine more closely the question of the causes of the Trojan War. The most detailed presentation is that of Ulysses (II, II, 49-83) stated that the poet has cleverly postponed until the end of the first part of his saga to save a beginning in medias res and do not weaken dynamism of his narrative. So what for the content, could act as a prologue of exposure, is finally playing a role Conclusion: After this, all is said both the preliminaries of the conflict on the early years of the life of Achilles (by his account of his childhood), and the story of the war itself as well as the epic hero's proper can begin. We must not, on the other hand, lose sight of that presentation, as I noted above, is that of Ulysses, not that of Stace (or at least the epic narrator), and that has referred to the internal diegesis performative : To stimulate the furor of Achilles for the coming conflict, hence biases specific narrative vis-à-vis the canonical versions (Homeric or otherwise) that may resemble a form of " deformation history. " Not that the poet wants to reveal Odysseus as a liar or a manipulator for the purpose of moralizing criticism of the character (we are far from the perspective of the tragic, and nothing is further from the draft Stace that the moral evaluation of behaviors), but he comes to appreciate the reader, a point of view of both intellectual and aesthetic the rhetorical skill of a character seen in the Latin tradition as an exemplary teacher of the speaker of "grand style" of art-related volving. All this explains the choice of Ulysses in his account of the causes of war escape the responsibility of gods and minimizing the role of the quarrel between the goddesses (which is mentioned only for the geographical coincidence with the "cradle" of Achilles II, 55-57, a detail not Homeric, however), maximum emphasis on the negative role of Paris, conceived as an anti-Achilles, with an assimilation rhetoric Menelaus Achilles (II, 81-83). Admittedly, the questioning by the other characters of Hector is the responsibility of the Homeric legacy (even if Virgil had more or less tried to mitigate the thing), but which reveals the influence of Latin rework the myth, c ' is the same story of the Judgement of Paris taken as the primary cause of the war, in preference to other starting points adopted by tradition, such as the quarrel of the goddesses at the wedding of Thetis and Peleus, or the birth of Helen as in Euripides (Iph. Aul., 49 ff.). This bias, probably inspired Silius Italicus (Pun., VII, 537-473) that this passage is very close, puts a strong emphasis on the responsibility of Hector uituperatio the purpose of morality. The similarities with the speech of Agamemnon (I, 399-406), whose aim was almost the same (stimulate righteous anger of the Greeks against the abductor of Helen) are obvious: the speakers of Greek Stace recycle grounds Topical Roman moralism hostile to Paris for the benefit of their rhetorical strategy. Note, in this perspective, the escalation of Odysseus, who, to accentuate the impiety of character, lends him a sacred timber harvesting (II, 60-62) totally unknown to the legendary tradition, but directly transposed from the Ovidian myth of Erysichthon (Met., VIII, 741 ff.) and / or its Retractationes Lucan (Phars., III, 399 ff.) ... and statienne (Theb., VI, 84-117). The issue here is not that of the "truth" or "lie" for the version of Ulysses. The Homeric poems retractatio Latin admits a margin of differences or innovations that are not necessarily going to be judged as such in terms of a canonical version through a "philological" picky (but sometimes are: it's all about context) But rather to admire the spirit of timeliness with which Odysseus, on the basis of hard evidence of the literary tradition (the slaughter of the forests of Ida for the construction of the fleet of Paris) was able to "recycle" an epic topos, slaughter of sacred wood, which fits perfectly in his remarks. In short, Odysseus and Agamemnon are two speakers "Roman" which, without fundamentally contradicting the Homeric vulgate or posthomérique on the basic facts (but by manipulating a bit to give a "boost" to their cause), rewrite causes of the Trojan War from the perspective of a performative referred to moralism. What is noteworthy, however, also is that the narrator does nothing to deny or relativize their story: we saw that the abolition of the oath of the suitors in favor of a spontaneous reaction of moral outrage at the posterior Abduction of Helen (the rest rooted in much of the literary tradition, including Latin) emanated from both the speeches of Agamemnon and presentation of the narrator (I, 3627). Similarly, the vocabulary of Roman moral indignation vis-à-vis the Paris meeting as well in the mouths of the Achaean chiefs (Odysseus and Agamemnon) as Thetis (I, 43-47) and the narrator (I, 20-24: culpatum iter), and abduction of Paris is still the trigger regardless of the speaker . We can say, to some degree, the optics of Achilleid is resolutely pro-Achaean: not so much that Stace wants to take it personally on the party plane "historico-political" between both sides, but because his poem centered on the "best of the Achaeans," can only be placed from within his camp. The reconfiguration of the Greek-Trojan conflict in terms of confrontation between Asia and Europe also stems in part from this logic: the project's ethical Achilleid implies that the reader (Roman, of course) feels close in sympathy with the hero. Stace also tends to his readers, through its representation of Greek leaders of the Trojan War, a mirror of their own world view to support the strategy of delectare (absent in this epic, didactic and scope of any demonstrative) . If the representation of the Trojan War is somewhat a reflection of Achilles in this play of correspondences between the individual and collective level that we saw earlier, it is also, to a certain degree, a reflection of the mental landscape aristocratic Roman society, perhaps because Achilles himself is in some ways, a mirror of the contemporary elite.

Electronic Reference
François Ripoll, "The Trojan War in Achilleid Statius' rursus [Online], 5 follow these links:

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Workshop literary theory: to prepare the tray of French sequence "rewrites" • CHASSAY J.-F., art. "Intertextuality" Dictionary of Literary, P. Aron, D. Saint-Jacques & A. Viala (eds.), PUF, 2002 305-307: "Strictly speaking, we call intertextuality the continuing and perhaps infinite material transfer records within the overall discourse. In this perspective, to any text can be read as being at the junction of other statements in places that reading and analysis can construct or deconstruct at will. [...] Far from bringing the debate to a reflection on the literary text alone, [the notion] involves considering all the texts in a global network. Especially since the non-literary texts clearly, the legal and political texts in particular, abound in such transactions. Therefore, the novel can be regarded as a laboratory of discursive practices in general. "• Mr. ANGENOT," Intertextuality: survey on the emergence and dissemination of a notional field, "Journal of Human Sciences, 89, 1983 128: "The approach "Intertextual" may have the effect of breaking the close of the literary canon to include it in a large network of transaction types and status of discursive, social discourse. There is a new attitude about the place occupied by the same literary symbolic activity. " • R. Barthes, "Text (theory)", Encyclopedia Universalis, 1973 (see S. Rabau, intertextuality, Flammarion, GF-Corpus, 2002, Text III) "All text is an intertext; other texts are present in him , at varying levels, in forms more or less recognizable: the texts of the previous crop, those of the surrounding culture, while new text is a tissue of quotations of age. Pass in the text, redistributed him, pieces of code, formulas, rhythmic models, fragments of social languages, etc.. Because there is always language before and the text around it. [...] The intertext is a general field of anonymous forms, whose origin is rarely spotted, unconscious or automatic quotations, given without quotation marks. " Proponents of intertextuality" widespread, "the thesis of literary discourse interdiscurvité makes a social discourse among others, and practice always political. It was already one of the themes of the Tel Quel group around 1968:

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Theory Workshop Literary: Rewriting and re

o All works lend themselves equally to the rework, or must Assuming that some works were "predestined" exercises bypass? Are there any texts that make it readily available (or even invite) processing hypertext, or should we think that the rewriting is always a decision of reading, which rests with second author, and she So finally merges with a form of commentary on the text first? o The issue concerns both the problem of intertextuality that authority (as text by the author): rewrite text, is to recognize an authority that already exists (or chair) to any transformation or is it conferring it back? o be found here together three short series of theoretical reflections on the phenomena which accompany the revaluation rework: is that the problem also involves the design that can be done in literary history.

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